The long-sought and tortuously negotiated Gaza cease-fire agreement announced Wednesday was in part due to the agreement between President Biden and President Biden, who temporarily set aside mutual hostilities to achieve mutual goals. It was brought about by the incredible cooperation of President-elect Donald J. Trump.
The two presidents have directed their advisers to work together to push Israel and Hamas across the finish line for a deal that would end the fighting that has devastated Gaza and release hostages held for 15 months. The deal is scheduled to begin Sunday, the day before Biden hands over the White House to Trump.
Each president had their own interest in resolving the issue by Inauguration Day. For Biden, the deal would be the final vindication on his watch. His hope is to end the deadliest war in the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and free Americans and Israelis from captivity. For Trump, the deal will take key issues off the table for now as he begins his second term, allowing him to pursue other priorities.
The dramatic development, which occurred just five days before the U.S. transition, goes against the natural flow in Washington, where presidents from opposing parties rarely work together during a transition, even in the face of a major crisis. It was. But politics quickly returned to normal as both sides debated who was responsible for resolving the conflict.
While Biden was waiting for a formal announcement from the region, Trump jumped on Biden by announcing the agreement himself in an all-caps social media post. “This EPIC ceasefire agreement could only have been achieved as a result of the historic victory in November,” he added shortly after.
By the time Biden appeared before the White House cameras in the late afternoon, he was more civil and noted that both teams were speaking with the same voice. But when asked whether he or Trump deserved the credit, he bristled. “Is that a joke?” he asked.
Still, the partnership, awkward and awkward as it was, stood out in a time of deep polarization. “This is really extraordinary,” said Mara Rudman, who served as deputy special envoy for Middle East peace under President Barack Obama. “Everyone's talking about who gets the credit, but really it's shared, and part of the reason it's worked is because it's shared.”
That is not to say that it will lead to lasting synergy on this or any other issue. “This was a case where the right thing to do was aligned with people's best political interests,” said Rudman, now a scholar at the University of Virginia's Miller Center.
Regardless of how credit is ultimately allocated, diplomats, officials and analysts said it was clear that both presidents played important roles. The final deal was proposed by Biden last May, and his special envoys, led by Biden's Middle East coordinator Brett H. McGuirk, worked hard to make it acceptable to both sides. was essentially the same thing.
At the same time, Trump's impending return to power and fierce threats that “all hell will break out” if the hostages are not released by the time he is sworn into office have clearly changed the calculations of the warring parties. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu received significant support from Trump during his first term, but he could not take for granted that the new president would support him if he extended the war in his second term. .
Indeed, it was telling that Prime Minister Netanyahu, known as Bibi, first called Trump to express his gratitude after announcing the deal, then called Biden. In a statement, Prime Minister Netanyahu emphasized his gratitude for “Mr. Trump's statement that the United States will work with Israel to ensure that Gaza never becomes a haven for terrorists.” Biden was not mentioned until the fourth paragraph, with just one sentence thanking him “as well” for his support.
Mr. Trump's desire to force a deal went beyond his trademark public threats and extended to constructive assistance on the ground. He authorized Steve Witkoff, his longtime friend and special envoy for the Middle East, to work with McGuirk to push negotiators toward a deal. McGuirk and his team were happy to collaborate and leveraged Witkoff's support.
“This was the Biden deal,” former Rep. Tom Malinowski, D-N.J., wrote on social media. “But as much as I hate to say it, Biden couldn't have done it without Trump. It was more of a Biden deal than a performative threat from Trump.” I honestly tried to tell Vivi that it had to end. ”
Some Republicans praised Mr. Biden's efforts to build a deal with Mr. Trump. “It's good to see the Biden administration and Trump transition working together to get this deal done,” North Carolina Sen. Thom Tillis wrote on social media.
Few transition periods present such a moment of intersecting interests. In the midst of the Great Depression, defeated President Herbert Hoover tried to lobby incoming president Franklin D. Roosevelt to unite to deal with the banking crisis, but the incoming president, who did not want to bond with his predecessor, It was simply rejected by the leaders. .
A more eerie and unforgettable example occurred 44 years ago. At that time, President Jimmy Carter, without the help of his successor, President-elect Ronald Reagan, fought until his final hours in office to free the 52 American hostages held in Iran. . In fact, some evidence has emerged to suggest that those around Mr. Reagan tried to dissuade Iran from releasing the hostages before the election, fearing that it would help Mr. Carter. However, this has not been confirmed by official investigation.
Mr. Carter eventually struck a deal to release the hostages, but as a final insult, Iran blocked flights carrying Americans until shortly after Mr. Reagan took office on January 20, 1981. Mr. Carter never lost that memory. Biden's team in recent weeks, especially after Carter's death last month. Administration officials and their allies have spent the last few days morbidly pondering the possibility of history repeating itself.
The upcoming change in U.S. political leadership was not the only factor driving negotiations over the Gaza war. The situation on the ground has changed dramatically since Biden first proposed a ceasefire in May.
During that time, Israel decapitated the leadership of Hamas, nearly wiped out the allied militia group Hezbollah in Lebanon, and captured Iran's main military facilities. With the ceasefire in Lebanon brokered by Biden, Hamas lost its second front against Israel and became even more isolated. And the fall of President Bashar al-Assad in Syria only further weakened Iran and its allies and proxies.
But as Inauguration Day approached in Washington, a new deadline was set to force action that would be difficult to ignore. Trump said little about the war during the campaign, but when he did, he made it clear that he was not happy about it, citing heartbreaking scenes of death and destruction in Gaza. He appealed to Israel to end the war as soon as possible. It was damaging Israel's reputation on the international stage.
Moreover, the relationship between Mr. Trump and Mr. Netanyahu has evolved since his first term, when Mr. Netanyahu presented himself as the Israeli leader's most loyal ally. Mr. Trump has cut aid to the Palestinians, moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, recognized Israeli authority over the Golan Heights and presided over an opening of diplomacy between Israel and several of its Arab neighbors.
But relations between the two parties deteriorated in his final year in office, when Trump perceived that he was using Netanyahu, and the prime minister congratulated Biden on his 2020 election victory, which Trump still denies. The relationship further deteriorated. Mr. Netanyahu has worked hard in recent months to reconcile with Mr. Trump.
As for Mr. Biden, his relationship with Mr. Netanyahu has been strained since shortly after the Hamas-led terrorist attack on October 7, 2023, when he flew to Israel and hugged the Israeli leader on the tarmac. are. Mr. Biden's advisers and allies suspect that Mr. Netanyahu is deliberately withholding a cease-fire deal that would have handed him victory in order to curry favor with Mr. Trump.
Biden said nothing about this in his televised remarks Wednesday. But after 15 months of trying to manage the Middle East crisis and prevent a wider regional war, he seemed relieved to see an end near.
“For the people of Israel and their suffering and waiting families, and for the innocent people of Gaza who have experienced unimaginable devastation in war, I am deeply satisfied that this day has come, that it has finally come. “There is,” he said. Biden said.
Although he did not mention Trump by name, he did mention working with him. “I also want to note that this agreement was developed and negotiated under my administration,” Biden said, flanked by Vice President Kamala Harris and Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken. “But most of its conditions will be implemented by the next administration. Over the past few days, we have been talking as one team.”
Asked about Trump's role, Biden said the ceasefire was “the very framework of the deal that I proposed in May,” giving Israel the support it needs to weaken Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran. He claimed that it was an achievement. “We knew this agreement had to be carried out by the next team,” he added. “So I told my team to work closely with the incoming team to make sure we all speak with the same voice, because that's what the president of the United States does.”
Mr. Trump made no mention of the role of his previous team, leaving the impression in social media posts that he had brought the deal to fruition on his own.
“We were able to accomplish much without being in the White House,” he wrote. “Imagine all the great things that will happen when I return to the White House and my administration is fully recognized and ready to secure more victories for America!”
