Armed convoys are rumbling towards Pakistan's border with India. Fighter planes slice across the sky. The TV screens are filled with warnings of imminent conflict. National leaders pledge a critical response to any military action.
But under the drab of rebellious declarations when Pakistan's tension explodes with India, the tired Pakistani masses see war as what the nation needs at the end.
The gap between official stories and civilian fatigue reveals countries tackling deeper vulnerabilities. A course of financial difficulties and political resignation throughout daily life.
On university campuses and living rooms, conversations about battles and borders are less about inflation, unemployment, a political system that is not clouded by inflation, unemployment rates, and uncertainty.
“That makes me feel uneasy,” said 21-year-old Teheneen Zahra, a university student in the capital, Islamabad, a week after the Indian-controlled terrorist attacks in Kashmir inflamed long-standing hostility between India and Pakistan.
“I want the leader to show strength,” she added. “But it feels like there's too much to talk about war. We already have too many problems. We need peace and not more trouble.”
Buying groceries is a burden on her family, she said. “They talk a lot,” she said.
Even among patriotism, there is a recognition of the country's immeasurable challenges.
“We feel that the country is far weaker today due to economic struggles and political instability,” said Inamra, 25, an Islamabad student.
Still, Pakistanis remain resilient. On social media, memes ock the idea of war – often enjoy what many Pakistanis see as Indian warming – is widely circulated in a dark form of humor that many view as coping mechanisms.
“Yes, that's resilience,” said Javeria Shahzad, a psychotherapist in an urban area in eastern Lahore. “But that's also a distraction.”
Shazad said over the past few years, he saw a crushing despair among his clients as political crackdowns reduced freedom and the country navigates one of its worst economic crises in decades. “People were very unsettling,” she said.
The military has long been a central role in Pakistani life. It not only protects the borders of the country, but also influences the politics behind the scenes. It traditionally commands deep public loyalty and often manifests itself as a united force during national crises, including repeated wars with India.
The holding of public sentiment in Pakistani forces remained strong during the last major flare between the two countries, when extremists killed dozens of Indian security forces in Kashmir in 2019 and passion surged on both sides of the border.
Today, such feelings are much more complicated.
Expressions of loyalty to the army persist, but they are often tempered by frustration and anger. The political turmoil that followed the ouster of Imran Khan as prime minister in 2022 and the subsequent drastic crackdown on his supporters left a scar on society.
Mr. Khan, once supported by military facilities, was dropped out of the general and taken away. Since then, thousands of his supporters have been jailed, and many party leaders have been forced to go to flaws and underground.
“Respect, love and ownership by the masses are indented,” said Mohshin Regali, a pastor of the state government during Khan's power days. “Everyone knows who's been abused,” he added.
Aaliyah Hamza, a former MP for Khan's party, was imprisoned and exposed to police torture and house arrest, but said the military now risks losing the necessary public support in the moment of national crisis.
“What happens if you don't have public support?” she asked.
Hamza argued that Khan should be included in the conversations of the nation, even if he is incarcerated. This is the idea that politicians in the current opposition parties have also come to light.
So far, the government has shown little tendency to reach out.
The relationship between Pakistan's army chief, General Said Asim Munier, and Mr Khan remains hostile. During the 2019 crisis between Pakistan and India, General Munier served as director of the powerful Interservice Intelligence Bureau. Mr. Khan took him away several months later and opposed his appointment as chief of the army.
Analysts describe General Munir as an Indian hardliner, with a leadership style shaped by his background in military intelligence. Critics argue that his tenure coincided with deeper military control over Pakistan's political landscape, limiting the path of objection and dialogue.
Pakistan's political divisions come at a time of uncertainty.
Pakistan's western border remains unstable, with extremist groups like the Taliban in Pakistan and the Taliban fighters in Afghanistan increasing their attacks. This week, Pakistani security forces said they killed 54 militants during a two-night operation to fight back on penetration near Afghan frontiers. In the southwest, low-level separatist rebellions have been simmering for years and have become fatal recently.
The country's economic challenges only deepen anxiety. The government has recently secured another relief from the International Monetary Fund, and authorities have pledged relief to the tired masses. However, for many Pakistanis, the promised economic transformation feels far and slow to hold back.
Pakistan's finance minister, Mohammed Aurangzeb, said the economic fallout from tensions with India was “no use” to the country's fragile recovery.
For many, the fear of military struggle and armed conflict now feels like part of the same burden. And this pain is particularly severe in parts of Kashmir, which is ruled by Pakistan.
In Neelam Valley, the town of Kellan, a once busy tourist resort town, is empty. The guest house is quiet. Residents say tourists have stopped coming from terrorist attacks across the Indian Kashmir border.
Raja Amjad, who runs the tourism business, said the authorities had not imposed an official ban on tourists, but there was little need for it.
“People don't want to put that in danger,” he said. “No one's coming.”
In Asmakam, 40, a town near the so-called control line that divides Kashmir, Sadya Bibi, 40, has cleared the bunker behind her house.
“The shooting hasn't started yet, but we can come anytime,” she said. “I'm preparing it for my kids.”
All over the country, many young Pakistanis see hope simply by leaving.
“The ones that have actually reached most of us are trying to independence in a suffocating country like Pakistan,” said Zara Khan, 31, who works in the corporate sector in Islamabad. “We don't have enough resources. The job market is pathetic. Raising a family is a distant dream.”
“I'll stay here,” she added. “It's completely dark,” he added.
Jalaluddin Mughal contributed to a report from Kashmir's Muzaffarabad.
