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The Islamic regime is weak and wobbles around its own structural flaws, but no one knows it through the rhetoric that emerges from Iran. In fact, just as Moscow did before the collapse of the Soviet Union, Tehran is blamed for trouble at home and has double talk abroad.
If you ask the Iranian observers, they will tell you that obfuscation has been the standard practice of the regime since the Islamic Revolution.
Steve Witkov, a US special envoy to the Middle East, is preparing to meet his Iranian counterparts in Oman this Saturday, but Tehran continues to quizzify whether the two will “discuss” or “negotiate” or “indirect” or “direct.”
Ahead of Trump's managers and Iran's speech, a new report says Iran's nuclear threat will rise to “extreme danger.”
“The Islamic Republic resembles the late stage Soviet Union,” Iranian expert Karim Sajadpur wrote, “It is economically and ideologically bankrupt and relies on oppression for its survival.”
To borrow from President Donald Trump, Iranian clergy “doesn't have a card.” Tehran proxies such as Hamas and Hezbollah are either hurting or are on life support. The population has openly denied the authorities, and the currency has plummeted.
History has shown us that the authoritarian regime slowly and spectacularly collapses. Several years before the collapse of the Soviet Empire in 1989 – when a deep crack began in the Kremlin – Saubiet's Secretary General Konstantinchernenko was led by Andropov and Gorbachev.
Trump has an Iranian nuclear deal timeline in mind and will use Israel to lead potential military action
Certainly there is a clear difference between the Soviet Union in the mid-1980s and the Islamic Republic in the mid-2020s. Despite seizing the land, Russia is not a revolutionary nation. They are consistently trying to create buffer zones at the western border to thwart America's power and influence, but they are not trying to defeat America itself.
On the other hand, the Islamic regime is a revolutionary force disguised as a sovereign state. The goal is to export revolutions and establish a global Islamic caliphate. Regionally, the country continues to be unstable around it. Even further, it permeates Western society through large-scale cyber-promotion and assassination attempts.
There is a fundamental difference between President Reagan and President Trump. President Trump took a less severe tone about Reagan's frankness about communist Russia, relegating the “evil empire” to “hill of history,” but offered a direct meeting while threatening “strong” military action.
More broadly, Ronald Reagan saw his presidency as a battle between good and evil, and feared the global nuclear Armageddon if the Russians didn't stop. President Trump sees the world as a series of deals awaiting negotiations and fears losing America's dominance on the world stage.
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President Trump's successful results are based on removing the ghosts of nuclear-armed Iran, allowing him to devote his energy to broader trade negotiations with China.
By default or design, President Trump's Iranian policies reflect President Reagan's doctrine against the Soviets. Like the former US president, Trump consistently increased leverage over Tehran. The Abrahamian agreement and military and moral support for Israel are two examples.
This strategy is consistent with Reagan's National Security Decision Directive 75 (NSDD 75), and is a comprehensive set of intersecting Soviet strategies that hamper Soviet adventurism, increasing internal pressure, and countering the Soviets along three prongs that pursue negotiations directly from the position of strength.
NSDD 75 was further strengthened by Reagan's firm belief that, like the village of Potemkin, Soviet power was an illusion, and deep flaws were hidden behind the Kremlin façade.
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President Trump has not wavered from the campaign's message that “Tehran cannot have nuclear weapons.” He continues to tighten the ropes around Iran, claiming they agree to direct consultations. Such a move has rattled Iranian officials. Iranian officials now have to walk the tightrope of fighting back American demands while still in power.
It collapsed less than six years after signing NSDD 75 in 1983, so President Reagan's doctrine of putting pressure on the Soviet Union on all sides did not end well for the Soviet Union. The Omani party negotiates faces in another room with “brackets” and “total “talk” and “total” and “totalk”.
